About 'boulder abortion clinic'|Hundreds attend candlelight vigil for shot elk in city with notorious late-term abortion clinic
"There have been approximately 36.5 million abortions in the twenty-five years since the U.S. Supreme Court legalized unrestricted abortion on January 22, 1973" (AGI 1). These figures, collated by the Allan Guttmacher Institute, a research arm of the Planned Parenthood Association, also states that these figures may well be under-reported by as much as 7 percent. There is no more divisive social subject in America than abortion. Despite the Supreme Court's Roe vs. Wade decision to "legalize" the woman's right to choose an abortion, as more and more conservative Christians join the mainstream, there are not merely vocal but also physical antagonisms on the subject. Doctors have been killed, clinics fire-bombed, and confrontations between the two "sides" have seldom ended peacefully. The purpose of this essay is to provide some reasons, and documentation, why the idea of "pro-choice", or the woman's "freedom to choose" what to do with her body is morally perverted and wrong. All of us have feelings about abortion, including the doctors who perform them, or refuse to do so, as well as the psychiatrists who often need to counsel and treat women for whom abortion is a mental as well as moral conflict. As one psychiatrist writes: "...we often treat female patients who have had an abortion and feel upset. guilty or uneasy about the choice they made. The decision to have an abortion is not an easy one, and the procedure itself leaves patients with a host of unresolved issues" (Benedek 985). In looking back in history, it is interesting to note that abortion was accepted, even by Catholics. "Pope Gregory XIV, who ruled at the end of the sixteenth century, extended the (abortion) period to 116 days...Nor was acceptance limited to Catholics. Protestant denominations have traditionally held more or less the same opinion" (Currie 11). Of course, these opinions changed by the eighteenth century. "By the mid-Nineteenth century, abortion was typically regarded as both criminal and immoral" (Currie 12). That view remains among many who believe in the sanctity of life, and in the fact that life exists from the moment of conception. There are many arguments about the issue, and that means that "sides" tend to be chosen and viewpoints magnified. Those who are pro-abortion will say that abortion is "impossible to eliminate. If abortion is made illegal, illegal clinics will spring up all over, many with unsanitary facilities, and poor treatment; women, we are told, will die" (Currie 50). Of course, what pro-abortionists are NOT saying is that, as a result of an abortion fetuses will die. Perhaps what the real argument has turned out to be is neither medical or psychological, religious or moral, but political. "The abortion issue has put policymakers and citizens in myriad political and personal dilemmas because many people view abortion issue in moral or religious terms; others view it s a matter of personal liberty. Thus, to compromise concerning abortion goes against many individuals' firmly held religious, moral, or ideological beliefs" (O'Connor 3). However as O'Connor (1996) points out, the national debate and the anger of the opponents did not really surface until after the Supreme Court Roe v. Wade decision in 1973. Even those who are against abortion, regardless of why, are somewhat dismayed by some of the vigorous activities, including clinic bombings and even the murder of several "abortion doctors". If these devout believers feel that abortion is murder, than to murder for their anti-murder beliefs is not only ludicrous, but totally wrongheaded. As long as there are logical and competent advocates against abortion, then there are no one's rights being trampled and no hatred involved. But, the truth is that the anti-abortion issue has brought out some figures who seek publicity (and are getting it). Jerry Falwell and the development of the Moral Majority come to mind immediately. It was nothing less than a fund-raising effort. "Having founded the Moral Majority in June 1979, Falwell took to the airwaves...to initiate a major fundraising effort. His own personal mailing list of some 250,000 supporters formed the initial base for this..." (O'Connor 84). Incidentally, according to O'Connor (85) the Moral Majority's initial; fundraising campaign brought in more than one million dollars a week. What all this fund-raising, and the attempt to turn evangelical Christians into a political force forgets about is the fundamental morality of abortion. It has been turned into a "cause", when what is really needed is some self-examination and a reliance on one's fundamental beliefs in the right to life. One can argue for eternity about when life begins. But, it might be wise to stop worrying about chronology, and worry instead about finding some means to extend that fetus' life and, hopefully, have it become a productive member of the world's society. "Most people assume the great, divisive abortion argument is at bottom an argument about a moral and metaphysical issue: whether an even just-fertilized embryo is already a human creature with rights and interests of its own"(Dworkin 30). As the author points out, the issues go far beyond merely conservative or liberal, politically or religiously. In this regard, the issue of separation of Church and State is often raised. It is difficult for some people to believe that their government has a right to legislate an issue that should be a moral and religious one- something that a person who either has or does not have faith, should decide. This issue is not necessarily a pro-abortion stance, but merely an examination of why there is an argument against legislation, even by many who are opposed to abortion. In other words, what these people are saying abortion is wrong, but there should not necessarily be a "legal" pronouncement about it. What seems unfortunate is that the battle over abortion has become a battle among various religious sects. "In the United States opinions about abortion correlate dramatically with religious belief. According to the 1984 American National Election study, 22 percent of Baptists and Fundamentalists, 16 percent of Southern Baptists, and 15 percent of Catholics then believed that abortions should never be permitted. The same survey showed that Lutherans (9 percent of whom would permit no abortions) and Methodists (8 percent) were more liberal denominations, Episcopalians (3 percent) and Jews (4 percent_ even more so" (Dworkin 35). Interestingly enough, these figur4s also tend to relate to social status of those polled, which would translate to upper social strata more "liberal" about abortion issues than lower, and middle class. As was mentioned earlier, the hue and cry about abortion began after the Roe v. Wade decision. Dworkin (1993) has his explanation in that the Court decided that the fetus was not a "constitutional" person. However, the decision seemed to leave it up to the individual states to come to their own decision. "Once again we must take care not to become confused by the ambiguities in the word 'person'...A state may punish someone who either deliberately or recklessly injures a pregnant woman, and punish him more severely if the injuries result in fetal dame or miscarriage" (Dworkin 113). But this still does not cover the fact that a fetus is "alive". What we face in the Abortion Debate will have to deal with the legal, and not the moral issues of the life of a fetus. It may be simplistic to observe that if a fetus is legally declared a person, then an abortion is murder. Of course, it is doubtful that any state will venture into this gray area, and have the Supreme Court make a moral decision, rather than a legal one. What is often overlooked in the pro-choice movement is that there are surely sufficient families who cannot have their own children, or are willing to adopt. Rather than kowtow to the wishes of the pregnant woman, give someone who wants and is willing to accept someone else's child as their own, that opportunity. Except in the caser of rape or incest, every fetus should be given the opportunity (I hate to say "right") to life outside the womb. The specter of the drug RU-486 looms. We cannot permit pharmacology to disrupt the life cycle as long as there are loving arms and adoptive parents to nurture a child unwanted by its birth=-mother. Abortion, except in extreme cases, is not a necessity. There needs to be more compassion, not just "choice" before a fetus is aborted. WORKS CITED: Benedek, Elissa P. "Facts and Feelings" Washington D.C.: The American Journal of Psychiatry, vol. 158 issue 6, pp 985-986, June 2001 Currie, Stephen: Abortion: Opposing Viewpoints Digests, San Diego CA: Greenhaven Press (2000) Dworkin, Ronald: Life's Dominion New York: Alfred A. Knopf (1993) Guttmacher, Alan: "Yearly abortions in the US: Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1997 O'Connor, Karen: No Neutral Ground? Abortion Politics in an Age of Absolutes Boulder CO: Westview Press (1996) |
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